Does the Era Discriminate Again Black Women

Frances Harper. From Library of Congress
Figure one. Frances Due east. W. Harper, c. 1898. Frontispiece of Harper's Poems (Philadelphia: George S. Ferguson Co., 1898). Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

By Sharon Harley

African American women, though often overlooked in the history of woman suffrage, engaged in significant reform efforts and political activism leading to and post-obit the ratification in 1920 of the Nineteenth Amendment, which barred states from denying American women the right to vote on the basis of their sexual practice. They had as much—or more—at stake in the struggle as white women. From the primeval years of the suffrage move, Black women worked side past side with white suffragists. Past the tardily nineteenth century, nonetheless, as the suffrage movement splintered over the result of race in the years after the Civil War, Black women formed their ain organizations to proceed their efforts to secure and protect the rights of all women, and men.

The Us women's rights movement was closely allied with the antislavery movement, and before the Civil State of war Blackness and white abolitionists and suffragists joined together in common cause. During the antebellum period, a small cohort of formerly enslaved and gratis Blackness women, including Sojourner Truth , Harriet Tubman , Maria W. Stewart , Henrietta Purvis, Harriet Forten Purvis, Sarah Remond, and Mary Ann Shadd Cary , were agile in women's rights circles. They were joined in their advocacy of women's rights and suffrage past prominent Black men, including Frederick Douglass , Charles Lenox Remond, and Robert Purvis , and worked in collaboration with white abolitionists and women's rights activists, including William Lloyd Garrison, Elizabeth Cady Stanton , and Susan B. Anthony . [1]

Following the 1848 women's rights convention in Seneca Falls , New York , prominent free Black women abolitionists and suffragists attended, spoke, and causeless leadership positions at multiple women's rights gatherings throughout the 1850s and 1860s. In 1851, quondam slave Sojourner Truth delivered her famous "Ain't I a Woman" speech at the national women's rights convention in Akron, Ohio . Sarah Remond and her brother Charles won wide acclaim for their pro–adult female suffrage speeches at the 1858 National Woman's Rights Convention in New York Metropolis . [2]

Mary Church Terrell Col. Library of Congress
Figure 2. Mary Church Terrell, c. 1890. Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

With the end of the Civil State of war, arguments for woman suffrage became entwined with debates over the rights of onetime slaves and the meaning of citizenship. Sisters Margaretta Forten and Harriet Forten Purvis, who helped to establish the interracial Philadelphia Suffrage Association in 1866, and other Blackness women were agile in the new American Equal Rights Association (AERA), an organization formed by former abolitionists and women'due south rights advocates that endorsed both women'southward and Black men's right to vote. Purvis served on the AERA executive committee. Abolitionist Frances Ellen Watkins Harper spoke on behalf of woman suffrage at the founding meeting of the AERA, and Sojourner Truth gave a major accost at its start anniversary meeting. [3] (Figure 1)

Only with the proposal of the Fifteenth Subpoena, which would enfranchise Blackness men simply non women, interracial and mixed-gender coalitions began to deteriorate. Suffragists had to choose between insisting on universal rights or accepting the priority of Blackness male suffrage. The divide in the suffrage movement over the Fifteenth Subpoena prompted Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony to sever ties with the AERA and form the National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA), which promoted universal suffrage, insisting that Black men should not receive the vote before white women. Stanton and Anthony'due south racist remarks about Black men evoked intense anger on the function of Black suffragists, including long-fourth dimension allies Frederick Douglass and Frances Ellen Watkins Harper. As a issue, Harper supported the Fifteenth Amendment—this from a fiercely contained adult female who believed women were equal, indeed, superior to men in their level of productivity; men were talkers, while women were doers. [4] Harper joined the new American Woman Suffrage Clan (AWSA), which supported both Black suffrage and woman suffrage and took a state-by-land arroyo to securing women's correct to vote. Every bit Harper proclaimed in her closing remarks at the 1873 AWSA convention, "much as white women need the ballot, colored women need it more." [5] Equally many whites, including some white female suffragists, publicly denounced Black male suffrage, Black women incorporated Black male person suffrage every bit an important component of their suffrage goals.

Blackness women, however, did become members of both woman suffrage groups—the Stanton and Anthony–led NWSA and the Lucy Stone and Julia Ward Howe –led AWSA. Hattie Purvis was a delegate to the NWSA (as well as a member of the executive committee of the Pennsylvania Country Suffrage Association). Amidst the prominent African American reformers and suffragists who joined the AWSA were Charlotte Forten and Josephine St. Pierre Ruffin, a member of the Massachusetts Woman Suffrage Association. [six]

Black women attended and spoke out at political and religious meetings and public rallies. Their enthusiasm and political date within and outside suffrage campaigns was particularly apropos to whites in the postal service-emancipation South. [vii] The suffrage work of Charlotte ("Lottie") Rollin shows the long history of African American women's political activism outside the Northeast and beyond women's rights conferences and organizations. In 1866, a year before chairing the countdown meeting of the South Carolina Woman'south Rights Association, Rollin courageously proclaimed her support for universal suffrage at a meeting of the Due south Carolina House of Representatives. In 1870, she was the elected secretary of the S Carolina Woman's Rights Clan, an affiliate of the AWSA. Rollin, forth with her sisters Frances and Louisa and other local women, figured prominently in Reconstruction politics and woman suffrage campaigns at the local and national levels inorth the early on 1870s. South Carolina's African American woman suffrage advocates were encouraged by African American men. In certain 1870 South Carolina district elections, Black election officials encouraged Blackness women to vote—an action the Rollins sisters and some other African American women were already bold (or attempting) on their own. [8] In 1871, pioneer suffragist, paper editor, and first female law school educatee at Howard University Mary Ann Shadd Cary, with several other women, attempted, unsuccessfully, to register to vote in Washington, DC . This failure notwithstanding, they insisted upon and secured an official signed affidavit recognizing that they had attempted to vote. [9]

Like white suffragists, African American women linked suffrage to a multitude of political and economic bug in guild to further their cause and engaged in multiple strategies to secure women's political and voting rights within and outside the organized suffrage movement. At the same time, they combatted anti-Black discrimination in the southern Usa and within the predominantly white national adult female suffrage organizations.

Over time, tensions between Stanton, Anthony, and Douglass subsided. The discrimination against Black women in the woman suffrage motility continued as certain white woman suffragist leaders sought southern white male and female back up. The anti-Black rhetoric and deportment of NWSA leaders Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton persisted merely so did African American women'south mettlesome battles for both gender and racial equality.

In 1876, Cary wrote to leaders of the National Woman Suffrage Association urging them to place the names of xc-four Washington, DC, Black woman suffragists on their Proclamation of the Rights of the Women of the United states issued on the i-hundredth anniversary of American Independence, which concluded, "nosotros inquire justice, we enquire equality, we inquire that all the civil and political rights that belong to citizens of the United States, be guaranteed to united states and our daughters forever." While unsuccessful in having their names added, Cary remained a committed suffrage activist, speaking at the 1878 NWSA meeting. Two years later on, she formed the Colored Woman's Franchise Association in Washington, DC, which linked suffrage not but to political rights but to pedagogy and labor problems. [x]

Ida B. Wells. Coll. Library of Congress
Figure 3. Ida B. Wells, c. 1891. Illustration from I. Garland Penn, The Afro-American Press and Its Editors (Springfield, MA: Willey & Co., 1891). Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

Late nineteenth-century Black women believed at that place was an inextricable link betwixt constructive reform work and women's right to vote. Many Blackness suffragists were active in the temperance movement, including Hattie Purvis, Frances Ellen Watkins Harper, and Gertrude Bustill Mossell. Purvis and Harper served every bit Superintendent of Piece of work among Colored People in the Woman's Christian Temperance Union. Purvis also served, from 1883 to 1900, as a delegate to the National Woman Suffrage Association. Mossell wrote pro-suffrage articles for the Black printing. In her 1881 commodity, "Woman's Suffrage," reprinted in an 1885 outcome of New York Freeman, Mossell urged readers to become more knowledgeable virtually suffrage history and women'southward rights. Purvis, Harper, Mossell, and other Black woman suffragists and reformers argued that intemperance was a major obstacle to racial advancement and that the passage of federal woman suffrage would significantly reduce this and other social ills. [11]

Despite all this important piece of work by Black suffragists, the mainstream suffrage movement continued its racially discriminatory practices and fifty-fifty condoned white supremacist ideologies in order to garner southern support for white women's voting rights. Consequently, African American women and men became increasingly marginalized and discriminated against at woman suffrage meetings, campaigns, and marches. [12] Even after the NWSA and the AWSA reconciled to form the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) in 1890, Anthony and other white suffragists in the South and the North connected to choose expediency over loyalty and justice when information technology came to Black suffragists. In 1895, Anthony asked her "friend" and veteran adult female suffrage supporter Frederick Douglass not to nourish the upcoming NAWSA convention in Atlanta. Every bit she later explained to Ida B. Wells-Barnett , Douglass's presence on the phase with the honored guests would accept offended the southern hosts. Wells-Barnett and other suffragists reprimanded Anthony and other white women activists for giving in to racial prejudice. During the 1903 NAWSA meeting in New Orleans, the Times Democrat denounced the organization's anti-Black states' rights strategy for its negative impact on Black women'south quest for suffrage. [13]

There were exceptions to the discriminatory traditions among suffragists. In New England, Josephine St. Pierre Ruffin claimed she had been warmly welcomed past Lucy Rock, Julia Ward Howe, and others. Some African American women, such every bit internationally prominent women'due south rights activists and speaker Mary Church building Terrell , belonged to and participated in NAWSA meetings and activities, fifty-fifty as the new organization discriminated against them to woo southern and white male support for woman suffrage. (Figure 2)

In the endmost decades of the nineteenth century more Black women formed their own local and regional adult female suffrage clubs and, in 1896, the National Association of Colored Women (NACW). The NACW, which elected Terrell as information technology first national president, provided Black women a national platform to advocate for adult female suffrage and women's rights causes. From the organization'southward inception and throughout the twentieth century, Terrell, Ruffin, Barrier Williams, Wells-Barnett, and numerous NACW members and leaders fought for woman suffrage, sharing their pro-suffrage sentiments and activities at regional and national NACW conventions and in the white and Black printing.

Despite the discrimination Blackness women experienced, including the rejection of Josephine St. Pierre Ruffin's attempt to represent the NACW in the General Federation of Women's Clubs, Black women cautiously joined interracial efforts to secure the ballot for women and to expand women'due south date in electoral politics as canvassers, organizers, and voters. Prominent anti-lynching activist, NACW member, and suffragist Ida B. Wells-Barnett organized, in 1913, the outset Black woman suffrage gild in Illinois, the Chicago-based Alpha Suffrage Club. (Figure 3) She and other midwestern women participated in nonpartisan NACW, NAWSA, and Blastoff Social club campaigns and political rallies; nearly Black women, however, also supported Republican Political party platforms and candidates. [14]

Equally the suffrage movement moved into its final stage in the early on decades of the twentieth century, local and national white woman suffrage organizations claimed racial inclusivity and did have African American women as agile members, but the actions and policy statements of their leaders reflected a very dissimilar racial reality—1 that worsened over time. When Alice Paul , founder of the National Woman'south Party, organized a woman suffrage parade in 1913, scheduled a twenty-four hours earlier the inauguration of Woodrow Wilson, the first United states of america president from the South, her accommodating amenability to white racism typified the worsening racial climate within the suffrage move. Prior to the parade, Wells-Barnett, representing the Alpha Suffrage Club, was asked to march at the rear of the parade rather than with the white Chicago delegation. In keeping with her resistant and radical personality, Wells-Barnett refused to join her fellow Blackness suffragists at the rear. Instead, equally the all-white Chicago delegation passed, Wells-Barnett emerged from the oversupply and entered the line between two white Chicago women and marched and with them, as she knew to exist just. [15]

Coll. Buffalo History Museum (NY)
Figure 4. Mary B. Talbert, c. 1901. Courtesy of the Drove of the Buffalo History Museum, Buffalo, NY.

NACW founder Mary Church Terrell, nevertheless, marched with the all-Blackness delegation. Terrell later told Walter White, of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), in denouncing the anti-Blackness stance of Paul and other white woman suffrage leaders, that she believed if white suffrage leaders, including Paul, could pass the amendment without giving Black women the vote, they would—a claim Paul and other white suffragists denied while persisting in organizing white women exclusively in diverse southern states. [16] The opposition African American women faced was the subject area of NACW and NAACP leader Mary B. Talbert's 1915 Crisis article, "Women and Colored Women." As Talbert pointed out, "with us as colored women, this struggle becomes two-fold, commencement, because we are women and second, because we are colored women." [17] (Figure 4)

Talbert's essay was ane of several by a pocket-size core of Black female and male intellectuals and public figures who had participated in a symposium on "Votes for Women" and whose remarks appeared in the August 1915 result of the Crisis, the national organ of the NAACP. In her essay, Black feminist leader and educator Nannie Helen Burroughs offered a ambiguous but profound response to a white adult female'due south query nigh what Black women would practice with the ballot, retorting, "What can she exercise without information technology?" Expressing a common line of thinking, Burroughs and other Blackness women political activists proclaimed that the Blackness woman "needs the ballot, to reckon with men who place no value upon her virtue, and to mould [sic] healthy sentiment in favor of her own protection." [18] Burroughs echoed an idea previously expressed by Adella Chase Logan, a life member of the National American Woman Suffrage Clan and active member of the Tuskegee Woman's Club, in an before monthly Black publication, Colored American Magazine:

If white American women, with all their natural and acquired advantages, need the ballot, that right protective of all other rights; if Anglo Saxons have been helped by it... how much more than do black Americans, male and female need the strong defence of a vote to assistance secure them their right to life, freedom and the pursuit of happiness? [xix]

These arguments nonetheless, on the eve of ratification of the Nineteenth Subpoena, white suffragists, fearing offending white southerners, connected their racially discriminatory practices toward Black suffragists. In 1919, NAWSA president Carrie Chapman Catt opposed admitting the Northeastern Federation of Women's Clubs, a regional torso of Black clubwomen, as a fellow member of the national suffrage system out of fear of offending white voters. When at terminal the Nineteenth Subpoena was ratified, African American women voters in the Jim Crow Due south encountered the very same disfranchisement strategies and anti-Black violence that led to the disfranchisement of Black men, and so that Black women had to continue their fight to secure voting privileges, for both men and women.

Racism and bigotry within and exterior organized woman suffrage campaigns and anti-Black racial violence forced Black women early to link their right to vote to the restoration of Black male suffrage and civil rights activism. African American suffragist and radical activist Angelina Weld Grimké, named for her corking aunt, suffragist Angelina Grimké Weld , boldly and optimistically asserted, "injustices will end" between the sexes when woman "gains the ballot." [20] Just instead, the struggle continued.

Black women's political engagement from the antebellum period to the opening decades of the twentieth century helped to define their post-1920 political activism. Following ratification of the Nineteenth Subpoena, the battle for the vote ended for white women. For African American women the effect was less clear. Hoping to combat post–Globe War I anti-Blackness racial violence and the disfranchisement of Blackness men, particularly in the South, Black women's engagement in electoral politics and radical activism connected, indeed, expanded, later ratification. Indeed, an examination of Black women'due south mail service-1920 political life reveals that rather than ending, the Nineteenth Amendment was a starting point for African American women'south involvement in electoral politics in the years to come. [21] Indeed, Oscar De Priest credited Black women with being the deciding factor in his election, in 1928, as the first African American elected to the U.s.a. House of Representatives since Reconstruction. Woman suffrage struggles in the United States were one part of a long and impressive history of African American women's political engagement to promote women's rights and to share equally in the advancement of the race.

Sharon Harley is associate professor and former chair of the African American Studies Section at the Academy of Maryland, College Park. She researches and teaches Black women'southward labor history and racial and gender politics. She is coeditor of The Afro-American Woman: Struggles and Images (Kennikat Presss, 1978), she edited and contributed essays to Sister Circle: Black Women and Work (Rutgers University Press, 2002) and Women'due south Labor in the Global Economic system: Speaking in Multiple Voices (Rutgers University Press, 2008).

Notes:

[1] Historian Rosalyn Terborg-Penn categorizes these women as members of the showtime of three generations of blackness woman suffragists. Run into Terborg-Penn, African American Women in the Struggle for the Vote, 1850–1920 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998), thirteen–35; Terborg-Penn, "Bigotry confronting Afro-American Women in the Woman's Movement, 1830–1920," in The Afro-American Woman: Struggles and Images, ed. Sharon Harley and Rosalyn Terborg-Penn (Port Washington, NY: Kennikat Press, 1978), 17–27; Terborg-Penn, "Black Male Perspectives on the Nineteenth Century Woman," in Harley and Terborg-Penn, Afro-American Adult female, 28-42; and Terborg-Penn, "African American Women and the Vote: An Overview," in African American Women and the Vote, 1837–1965, ed. Ann D. Gordon et. al. (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1997), 10–23. As well consult Paula Giddings, When and Where I Enter: The Impact of Black Women on Race and Sex in America (New York: William Morrow & Co., 1984). Also see Dorothy Sterling, ed. We Are Your Sisters: Blackness Women in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Due west. W. Norton & Co., 1984) and Willi Coleman, "Architects of a Vision: Blackness Women and Their Antebellum Quest for Political and Social Equality," in Gordon et al., African American Women and the Vote, 24–xl.

[2] Terborg-Penn, African American Women in the Struggle for the Vote, 16, 18.

[3] Terborg-Penn, African American Women in the Struggle for the Vote, 24–26.

[4] For an assay of Harper's writings, speeches, poems, and public activism, meet Bettye Collier-Thomas, "Frances Ellen Watkins Harper: Abolitionist and Feminist Reformer, 1825–1911," in Gordon et al., African American Women and the Vote, 41–65. For a disquisitional exam of the complexities of white suffragist racism, consult Jen McDaneld "White Suffragist Dis/Entitlement: The Revolution and the Rhetoric of Racism," Legacy: A Periodical of American Women Writers 30, no. two (Nov 2013): 245, 260. In this essay, she explores "how white adult female suffragists constructed and deployed the figure of the black adult female to mediate the liabilities of gender in guild to legitimate their claims in a hostile and volatile public sphere" (245).

[v] Terborg-Penn, African American Women in the Struggle for the Vote, 47.

[vi] Terborg-Penn, African American Women and the Struggle for the Vote, 42–43.

[vii] The work of historian Elsa Barkley Brown helped to redefine the political engagement of black women in the Reconstruction era and their sense of shared political date with blackness male political figures and voters. See, for instance, Brown, "To Catch the Vision of Freedom: Reconstructing Southern Black Women's Political History, 1865–1880," in Gordon et al., African American Women and the Vote, 66–99.

[eight] Benjamin Quarles, "Frederick Douglass and the Woman'south Rights Movement," Journal of Negro History 25, no. 1 (Jan 1940): 35

[9] Terborg-Penn, African American Women in the Struggle for the Vote, 40.

[10] " Declaration of Rights of the Women of the United States by the National Woman Suffrage Clan, July 4th, 1876 ," The Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony Papers Project; Jane Rhodes, Mary Ann Shadd Cary: The Black Printing and Protest in the Nineteenth Century (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999), 196–199; and Terborg-Penn, African American Women in the Struggle for the Vote, 41.

[11] See the discussion of black woman suffragists' social reform work in Terborg-Penn, African American Women in the Struggle for the Vote, 51–53, 85–86 and Collier-Thomas, "Frances Ellen Watkins Harper," 41–65.

[12] Aileen Southward. Kraditor, The Ideas of the Woman Suffrage Movement, 1890–1920 (1965; New York: West. W. Norton, 1981) and Quarles, "Frederick Douglass and the Woman's Rights Motion," forty. White supremacist thinking and strategies were employed to convince white southerners to support woman suffrage. Henry B. Blackwell (husband of Lucy Rock), in an 1867 pamphlet, What the Southward Can Do: How the Southern States Tin Make Themselves Masters of the State of affairs. To the Legislatures of the Southern States (New York: Robert J. Johnson, 1867), pointed out that since whites statistically outnumbered black women and men, "the enfranchisement of women would greatly increment the white majority in the electorate and insure white supremacy." Pamphlet in Gerrit Smith Miller Drove, Syracuse Academy.

[13] Terborg-Penn, African American Women in the Struggle for the Vote, 110–12; Ida B. Wells-Barnett, Crusade for Justice: The Autobiography of Ida B. Wells, ed. Alfreda M. Duster (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1970), 230; and Rhodes, Mary Ann Shadd Cary , 193–198.

[14] Terborg-Penn, African American Women in the Struggle for the Vote, 89–106. A detailed account of African American women's wide-ranging political activism in Illinois, particularly Chicago, appears in Lisa K. Materson, For the Freedom of Her Race: Black Women and Electoral Politics in Illinois, 1877–1932 (Chapel Colina: University of Due north Carolina Press, 2009).

[fifteen] Giddings, When and Where I Enter, 127–128.

[16] Terborg-Penn, African American Women in the Struggle for the Vote, 130; Harley and Terborg-Penn, Afro-American Adult female, 25.

[17] Mary B. Talbert, "Women and Colored Women," Crisis 10, no. 4 (August 1915): 184.

[xviii] Nannie H. Burroughs, "Blackness Women and Reform," Crisis x, no. iv (August 1915): 187.

[xix] Adella Hunt Logan, "Woman Suffrage," Colored American Magazine ix, no. 3 (September 1905): 487, quoted in Terborg-Penn, African American Women in the Struggle for the Vote, 60–61

[20] Angelina Weld Grimké, "The Social Emancipation of Women." Angeline Weld Grimké Collection, Moorland-Spingarn Enquiry Center, Founders Library, Howard University, Washington DC.

[21] Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham, "Clubwomen and Electoral Politics in the 1920s," in Gordon et al., African American Women and the Vote, 134–155.

Bibliography

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Coleman, Willi. "Architects of a Vision: Black Women and Their Antebellum Quest for Political and Social Equality." In Gordon et al., African American Women and the Vote, 24–40.

Collier-Thomas, Bettye. "Frances Ellen Watkins Harper: Abolitionist and Feminist Reformer, 1825–1911." In Gordon et al., African American Women and the Vote, 41–65.

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———. African American Women in the Struggle for the Vote, 1850–1920. Bloomington: Indiana Academy Press, 1998.

———. "Black Male Perspectives on the Nineteenth Century Woman." In Harley and Terborg-Penn, Afro-American Woman, 28–42.

———. "Discrimination confronting Afro-American Women in the Woman's Movement, 1830–1920." In Harley and Terborg-Penn, Afro-American Woman, 17–27.

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Source: https://www.nps.gov/articles/african-american-women-and-the-nineteenth-amendment.htm

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